What Role will the Houthis Play in the Iran Conflict?

Who are the Houthi Rebels?

The Houthi rebels, officially known as Ansar Allah (meaning “Helpers of God” in Arabic), rose to prominence during the 2011 Arab Spring protests.  The movement itself began in northern Yemen during the 1990s as a Zaydi Shia identity revivalist group. It was founded by Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi, whose family’s legacy continues in the movement’s name. The Houthis’ role in regional conflicts involving Iran is a significant topic when examining recent regional tensions and alliances.

The Houthi movement continues fighting in Yemen with the eventual goal of controlling the state outright. They currently control the country’s capital of Sana’a, with the internationally recognized government having to operate out of the southern port city of Aden. The Houthis began their fight against marginalization and corruption in government, and took Sana’a in 2014, where they now rule as the de facto government. They control much of Yemen’s northwestern territory, including areas under Houthi administration, according to the United States Department of State.

How are the Houthis aligned with Iran?

According to Al Jazeera, the Houthis have received years of support from Iran, including arms, training, and funding, and often act in ways that align with Iranian regional interests while still pursuing their own goals. This strategic alliance is bolstered through shared political, military, and ideological interests. Iran boosts Houthi capabilities of disruption, while Houthi action weakens Western influence in the Gulf region. This also destabilizes Saudi Arabia, which is Iran’s biggest rival in acting as a regional hegemon. 

According to the Institute for the Study of War, Iranian support has significantly enhanced Houthi military capabilities, and the group operates as part of Iran’s broader “axis of resistance.” Hezbollah in Lebanon has offered training, advisors, and technical support, and Houthi forces have received training and technical support from external actors.

This direct support has allowed the Houthis to disrupt shipping in the Red Sea much more effectively. In return, this is what the Houthis offer back: a foothold in the Red Sea, specifically the Bab el-Mandeb strait. This being said, the Houthis retain a degree of autonomy and largely maintain autonomy in pursuing their goals in Yemen.

Many groups within Iran’s proxy network oppose Western influence in the region, as well as the core of Saudi ideology. Saudi Arabia is built on a stable Sunni monarchy, while Iran and its proxies follow a revolutionary Shiite doctrine. Salafism and Wahhabism are two closely-related ultra-conservative ideologies. They dictate that Islam can and should be purified through returning to the original or prior practice. Shiite hardliners see much of Salafism’s tenets as apostasy, or the abandoning of one’s beliefs.

What damage can the Houthi Rebels do?

As the Houthis reaffirm their allegiance to Iran and enter the regional conflicts, they pose a major threat to worldwide shipping. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, the Strait of Hormuz is a critical global oil chokepoint with limited alternative routes. This means that the Red Sea’s shipping routes of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and Suez Canal become more integral to energy commerce. With shipping now threatened on both fronts, international shipping has, in some cases, been rerouted around the Cape of Good Hope, further increasing travel time and costs that get passed to consumers. 

What do the Houthi Rebels want?

A key tactic of the Houthis has been disrupting trade. While a formidable force, Houthi forces can not directly affect the Iran conflict in a meaningful way. By causing costs to further increase, the rebels can increase their renown and legitimacy, while also pressuring the United States and other countries by targeting their economic and energy interests.

Furthermore, the legitimacy and understanding that the Houthi government gets from acting this way further their domestic concerns. Recruitment for rebel groups increases when they are seen as a global actor, rather than a domestic belligerent of a protracted revolution. Even media coverage alone can help Houthi goals, with even mild recognition of their government’s power being empowering. 

Outside of earning clout, galvanizing recruits, and supporting regional allegiances, the Houthis are better suited to targeting vessels travelling through the Red Sea than they are at taking the remainder of Yemen’s territory. Marine harassment is a much lower-cost offensive than trying to take the remainder of Yemen’s territory. A land offensive would also likely draw interference from Saudi Arabia, who considers the rebels an existential threat. Saudi Arabia has already involved itself in such efforts, further reinforcing this strategic trade-off.

Conclusion

The conflict in Iran will continue to grow more complex as time wears on. Iran’s strategy of leveraging their proxy network and fighting with counter-industrial motives have caused a varied approach with non-lateral recourse. Asymmetrical warfare, combining non-state actors with aerial and vertical escalation, creates a complex combat environment. Adding decades of hostile diplomacy makes for an environment where it feels like the only options available are escalation or a fragile peace agreement. It is for this reason that paying attention to the proxy forces of the axis of resistance is important. This conflict is multidimensional, and the economic impact it has and will continue to have cascades across the globe.

Sources:

Presence News | Houthi Rebels in Yemen Continue Their Vendetta Against the UN

U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) | Amid regional conflict, the Strait of Hormuz remains critical oil chokepoint

U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) | Red Sea chokepoints are critical for international oil and natural gas flows

TIME | Yemen’s Houthis Have Entered the Iran War. What You Need To Know

Al Jazeera | Yemen’s Houthis coordinate with Iran, but retain independence, despite war

Institute for the Study of War | Houthi Escalation Calculus Following Cautious Entry into the Iran War

Global Conflict Tracker | Conflict in Yemen and the Red Sea

Wilson Center | Who are Yemen’s Houthis?

Journal of Advanced Military Studies | Houthi Motivations Driving the Red Sea Crisis

U.S. Department of State | 2022 Report on International Religious Freedom: Yemen

Editor’s Disclaimer:
This article is intended for informational and analytical purposes only. It reflects a synthesis of publicly available sources and does not represent official positions or endorsements by Presence News. Due to the evolving nature of international conflicts, some details may change as new information emerges. Readers are encouraged to consult multiple sources for a comprehensive understanding of the topic.

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